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Epstein’s Nine-Word Reply About a Missouri Girls School Now Sits Beside a Federal Complaint That Calls the Program Trafficking

Paris Hilton testifies before Congress on abuse in youth treatment facilities

Jeffrey Epstein did not enroll a child at Wings of Faith Academy. He answered a short email about it. The school on that list closed in 2022. In April 2026 a former student sued the couple who ran it in federal court and used the word trafficking. The nine-word reply is a pointer. The Missouri record around the pointer is the story.

On August 7, 2018, Ann Rodriquez, identified in court papers as Epstein’s island manager, sent her boss a short list of residential schools for her teenage daughter. Wings of Faith Academy, a Christian girls’ program in Stockton, Missouri, sat among options in Florida and San Diego. Jeffrey Epstein typed back: “check them out, with comments etc. lakeland. orlando missour . first ?” Rodriquez enrolled the girl at Piney Woods School for Girls in Mississippi instead. No public record shows that Epstein visited Wings of Faith, paid its tuition, or placed a student there. The email is a fragment inside a much larger dump of files. What it did was drag a license-exempt campus back into daylight at the same moment former students were already describing isolation, punishment systems, and medical neglect. The operators, Percy “Bud” Martin II and Debbie Martin, have not answered press queries.

The AEGIS Alliance treats that reply as a routing note, not a placement order. Treating it as proof of enrollment would be sloppy. Treating it as nothing would be sloppier. The files keep showing how adults shopped for institutions that already practiced control. Wings of Faith did not need Epstein’s money to run that way. The exemption did the work.

What the Shirt Colors Were For

Wings of Faith opened in Stockton in 2004 after the Martins moved the program through other states from Tennessee. It marketed itself for “troubled girls” roughly ages 8 to 18, many from foster care or from families promised structure and scripture. Jordan Evans, taken from her Wildwood, Missouri, home before dawn in 2016 at age 15, described night patrols between beds, timed showers, bans on talking about home or braiding hair, and a shirt-color ladder. Green meant less food and extra verses. Grey followed an escape attempt.

After she tore herself on barbed wire near neighboring Agape Ranch, she said staff stripped her, hosed her, told her to pour alcohol on the cuts, and parked her facing a wall for a day with limited water. A classmate she identified as Molly, 14 and living with a learning disability, was forced through long sets of jumping jacks during outbursts and night terrors. Boys from Agape sat across the aisle at Sunday services. Notes that passed described beatings at the boys’ campus. The Missouri Independent put those accounts on the record when the Epstein email surfaced in March.

Colton Schrag, who attended Agape, said staff slammed students into tile and concrete, kneed them, and mashed faces into the floor if they resisted. Kansas City attorney Ryan Fraizer of Monsees & Mayer has brought more than 70 cases against Agape. “The troubled teen industry is a hotbed of abuse,” he said. “I’m not surprised to see a Missouri boarding school in this context.” Distance is sold as treatment. Isolation is sold as structure. The product is a child who cannot call home. Evans, now a preschool teacher near Chicago, put the sales pitch in one line: kids are not inherently bad, and these campuses do not make “bad kids good.” They teach shame.

The Complaint Uses the Word Trafficking

In early April 2026, former student Javairia Yankowy sued Debbie and Percy Martin in the U.S. District Court for the Western District of Missouri, Southern Division. She says she spent about four years in their custody beginning at age 14. The complaint alleges they “isolated her from her family, moved her from state to state, transported her into Mexico and obtained her labor and services through coercion, fear, humiliation, surveillance and punishment.” She describes being forced to strip under a “security” pretext and being made to eat pork after telling staff her upbringing forbade it. Eliza Lamm had already testified about the operators before a Missouri House committee in 2021. The follow-up Independent report is the filing, not a memoir.

That complaint is the angle the 2018 email actually opened. Epstein’s network and the so-called troubled-teen circuit share a structure even when they do not share a bank account: children moved far from home, communication cut, and adults who treat isolation as care. Parents sign papers. Staff control phones. Distance becomes the product. A mention in a rich man’s inbox is not an enrollment. A closed campus is not an acquittal. The Yankowy caption at least puts the allegation in a federal clerk’s office, where a petition cannot. A Change.org drive asking prosecutors to charge the Martins has circulated among former students since the campus emptied. Petitions are not indictments. The lawsuit is a starting line, and the Martins have not answered it in public.

Missouri’s Exemption Is Why the Campus Lasted

Wings of Faith operated as license-exempt. A 2021 law made some private residential schools register with the state. Davis Clohessy, a veteran advocate with the Survivors Network of those Abused by Priests, called it “the first tiny step” and said there have been “no appreciable consequences” for shops that ignore the registry. In 2026 the House again moved a bill from Rep. Brian Seitz to lengthen the statute of limitations for childhood sexual abuse, while Sen. Brad Hudson’s proposal to erase the limit waited on the Senate floor. Coming the other direction, Rep. Jamie Gragg of Ozark floated a path for unlicensed Christian homes to take foster placements by registering with a private association instead of the Children’s Division.

Ashlea Belcher, who directs the Children’s Center of Southwest Missouri and previously worked as a forensic interviewer, told lawmakers that isolation from outside eyes is exactly what enabled abuse at Agape and at Circle of Hope Girls’ Ranch. “What set those cases apart was not chaos,” she said. “It was the structure.” That sentence should worry anyone reading Gragg’s bill as a kindness to churches. When a legislature answers a trafficking complaint by offering unlicensed homes a private association instead of a state inspector, the exemption machine is still running. Registration without inspection is a mailing list. It is not oversight.

Paris Hilton’s congressional testimony, and the Stop Institutional Child Abuse work that followed it, named the same design in other states: transport vans before dawn, cut phone lines, and a market that sells fear to parents as love. The video above is that testimony. It is not about Stockton. It is about the industry Stockton belonged to. Missouri became a destination, Fraizer has argued, because oversight was thin and the legal protections around children inside those fences were thinner. The AEGIS Alliance has covered that architecture for years, from early reporting on networks hidden in plain sight to the lawsuit alleging decades of sexual abuse inside a Spokane County juvenile lockup.

A Routing Note Inside a Larger Withholding

The Epstein files did not have to prove a placement to prove a worldview. The worldview on the page is that a teenager in trouble is a logistics problem. Rodriquez asked which campus. Epstein asked which city first. The daughter went to Mississippi. The Missouri name stayed on the list, and the list became public because the Justice Department has been forced, slowly and incompletely, to release records it spent years sitting on. Officials have conceded the released set is a sliver. The AEGIS Alliance reported that admission when the department said less than 1 percent of the files had come out. Journalist Katie Phang sued over the pace. On June 25, 2026, Judge Emmet G. Sullivan of the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia granted her a preliminary injunction in Phang v. Blanche and ordered the department to produce, or justify withholding, specific emails and the underlying FBI interview notes behind several FD-302 reports. He was still dragging the department into status hearings in August when deadlines slipped. A drip of paper is why a nine-word reply from 2018 can still rearrange a closed campus’s public life.

Readers who want the wider money trail can start with The AEGIS Alliance reports on Bank of America’s $72.5 million survivors settlement and the UBS money that reached Ghislaine Maxwell’s New Hampshire hideout. None of those pieces place a child at Wings of Faith. They show the same adult habit: move a person, keep the paperwork thin, and assume distance will do the rest. The crime news desk will keep the distinction on the page.

A license exemption is not care. A Christian marketing line is not a defense. A federal complaint is not a conviction, and the Martins are entitled to answer it. What former students have already described, on the record and under their own names, is a campus that rationed food by shirt color, cut children off from home, and operated beside a boys’ program now buried under dozens of lawsuits. Epstein’s question mark did not build that. Missouri’s refusal to license it let it stand until 2022. The email only made the rest of the country look.

Rebekah Legion
Journalist, Writer, Activist, Social Media Manager, Child Predator Hunter at large.

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